A briefing for May 7th; mostly for my audience but a little insight for myself too, since I will be reporting overnight at the count in Brighton (Pavilion).
Also apologies for the lack of recent updates. I’ve been quite ill and most our news packages and other media is now published directly onto the WINOL youtube channel. So if you’re desperate to see my video before they’re released here, I suggest you check out WinchesterJournalism:
[Note: the story is my own, but the video is my coursemates’s. I simply helped him film, and am helping him promote it]
Winchester commuters will loose several bus routes, connecting the town centre to the outskirts of the city.
Some late-evening and night services have already been scrapped, and more are on the line, as £1 million of subsidy cuts take effect.
These measures are alongside previous cuts to police, fire, and children’s service’s, as Hampshire County Council attempts to balance its £100 million budget deficit by March.
Permanent changes include reduced days on the 63 City Centre – Badger Farm route, and evening services ending entirely on the 3, 5 and 5A City Centre – Harestock buses. But minor changes will occur on all routes.
The cuts were confirmed in October last year, but the service changes were revealed by Stagecoach on Saturday. In the statement on their website, they said:
‘’Residents told us that daytime services on weekdays were the most important journeys for them. So this is where we will focus our funding as the fairest way to spend the remaining bus subsidy budget.’’
Despite a public consultation last year in which 3,000 people responded, local resident groups were unimpressed by the proposed solutions to the cuts.
Chief Executive Claire Walters from Bus Users, a national public transport group, said ‘’These changes don’t take into account changing work patterns.’’
She added ‘’The Council doesn’t have enough understanding of the consequences of this cut.’’
The Council has defended the service changes, by citing reduced commuter figures.
‘’It’s simple; if people used the buses in greater numbers, they would be profitable and we wouldn’t have to subsidise them at all,’’ said the Conservative Executive Member for Economy, Transport and Environment, Seán Woodward.
Service changes are ongoing, and further cuts are to be confirmed in the next Cabinet Meeting in March.
Winchester’s largest housing scheme in 40 years, is set to get even bigger, as the council is considering adding further homes.
The Barton Farm controversy – a housing development in north Winchester, resumed on Saturday, as the council is considering enlarging the current 2000-strong figure.
Local planning watchdog, the Winchester Trust, lobbied the council to build up to an extra 500 houses. Trust Chairman Keith Leaman urged the council to build more affordable homes to ‘’maximise space to prevent the unnecessary loss greenfield.’’
The city council is united on the need for further affordable homes to meet the challenges of Winchester’s housing problem. But the debate is whether to use rural land on Barton Farm that was previously rejected, or to build on developed land such as car parks or empty homes.
The portfolio member for housing, Conservative councillor Ian Tait, said that recent government changes were responsible for the renewed debate, and that the move would likely be opposed by housing associations.
Housing developers were previously given the choice to provide a proportion of ‘affordable homes’ – those at 80% of the local market rate, on their sites, or pay into a local authority cheap homes fund. Changes may see developers urged to choose the former as fund payment costs increase.
The councillor added that with 2000 homes under existing plans, he couldn’t see how ‘’you could quantify the impact of an extra 300 to 400 homes.”
Lib Dem councillor Martin Tod disagreed, ‘’We should be looking at using space inside the town and whether we could build on there, before we start looking at building on greenfield.
Construction work is set to begin in the next few days, with the first houses on sale by the summer. Whilst plans for additional homes will be debated further by the council.
Hi there guys and girls, I’m Josh.
I’m in my second year studying journalism at the University of Winchester.
Here I mostly write articles for my History and Context of Journalism module.
But I also produce news for Winchester News Online where I work as a political reporter for Hampshire, and I will be uploading my news packages every week.
www.youtube.com/channel/UC7EOWxiuIrEiK0oMyNvOH3Q
http://winol.co.uk/author/joshbehrens
http://www.journalism-now.co.uk/author/behrens/
Contact me at:
jbehrens@mail.com
Stalin had always expected war to break out in Europe once again. His ideological mentor had taught the communists that economic rivalry would pitch imperialist capitalist powers against each other until such time as capitalism was overthrown. He made clear the need to avoid unnecessary entanglements in an inter-imperialist war. Knowing this Stalin had dispatched the People’s Commissar for External Affairs – Maksim Litvinov, the task of creating a system of ‘collective security’ in Europe, to prevent the further spread of fascism after Britain and France had refused to prevent the spread to Spain which gained hold in the form of Civil War.
The probability of war with either Germany or Japan was the prime factor in Soviet war games, primarily due to Stalin’s reluctance to take the side of either the Allies or Axis. Conflict soon erupted with Japan in mid-1938 where a previous tense stand-off ensured a violent battle by Lake Khasan, and an invasion through the Soviet-Mongolia border resulted in several months of battle. An armistice finally invoked upon September 15th that next year after Soviet forces under the command of General Zhukov scattered the Japanese occupation force in the first recorded use of tanks by the USSR.
Having overran the Sudetenland in late-1938, German forces soon occupied Czechoslovakia after overcoming the remnants of the 501st Legion; thereby edging ever closer to Russian frontiers. Despite in talks with Allied representatives, Stalin was in contact with Berlin 24 hours a day and an exchange of messages resulted in a Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Treaty where both nations openly declared to refrain from violence and to uphold bilateral trade. Other sections of the treaty addressed post-war territorial alterations, with Russia awarded Finland, Estonia and Latvia as a ‘sphere of influence’ in Europe. Two days later, Red Army troops annexed eastern Poland and despite seen as liberators by some, engaged in tremendous atrocities upon the peoples of Poland. A second document was signed by Stalin that involved the transferral of Lithuanian boundaries to be incorporated into the USSR, with full confidence that he would revoke his territorial claims to eastern Europe.
Exploiting the fears of Nazi invasion and the brutal treatment of slavs that would follow, the Kremlin received permission to construct Soviet bases upon their soil. Despite idle threats, the Finns refused to allow such ‘Russification’ and beat back a large invasion force sent by Stalin to ”Change the border, by hand if necessary”. Enraged, Stalin tightened his grip upon the remaining Baltic states and ordered the formation of pro-Soviet governments or the cost would be invasion and incorporation into the USSR. Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania immediately cooperated, and although Romania stalled, the Red Army simply annexed the two northern provinces of Bukovina and Bressarabia. Leading opposition groups were arrested – condemned as ‘anti-Soviet’ and ‘Nazi-sympathisers’, consigned to the Gulag. Leading militia members were executed throughout the region so as to eliminate any chance of effective organised resistance.
Bar Switzerland, Britain and southern France, all free West European states had been conquered by June 1940, and Soviet intelligence reported that efforts to repel them were hopeless after the collapse of French resistance and British forces who had since had evacuated via Dunkirk. Despite this unprecedented speed, Stalin remained confident as Britain had still held out and assured himself that Hitler would dare not risk a two front war, telling his generals ”Only a fool would attack us”. Admiral Kuznetsov however dissented with this laissez-faire attitude, citing the recent movements of German infantry and tank divisions upon the new German-Soviet border in occupied Poland in his June 21st report. Meanwhile that day, many thousands of miles away, a group of ragged pro-Soviet German soldiers were shot whilst attempted to warn Soviet high command of Operation Barbarossa.
June 22nd 1941, the Wehrmacht crossed the river Bug over the dead bodies of German spies. German aviation bombed key strategic cities and military bases and airfields. The defence of Brest fortress, Lithuania, begins in the first minutes of war. Germany Declares war on the USSR an hour after the attack commenced. Italy declares war upon the USSR. At 12:00 p.m. Molotov announces the invasion via radio. Great Britain declares support for the Soviet Union against Germany.
June 23nd, contest for the Neiman River Crossing begins in a furious tank battle.
June 24th, ariel bombing of Minsk begins.
June 25th, the USA declares support for the USSR.
June 26th, the Finnish airforce strikes Russia. Finland declares war on the Soviet Union. Charles De Gaulle, leader of the free French declares support for the USSR. German forces cross the Rives Dvina, capturing a 20,000 strong Red Army battalion. Hungary declares war with Russia.
June 28th, large numbers of Red Army troops surrounded in Minsk and the retreat of seven Soviet Battalions intercepted. British military advisors arrive in Moscow.
June 29th, Soviet Mechanised Corps commence a counterattack by Lutsk, Brody and Rovno.
July 1st, Germans capture objective at west Dvina River. People’s Militia units established in Leningrad and Bievongrad. State Defence Committee orders tractor plants to begin manufacturing T-34 and KV-1 tanks. Battles at the Hanko peninsular begin for the control of the Finnish bay entrance. Assault of USSR from Romania. British-Soviet cooperation treaties signed.
July 3rd, Stalin addresses the Soviet people via radio. Lenin’s body moved to Tyumen.
July 9th, Pskov captured, threatening the security of Leningrad.
By the second week of July the frontline had moved 350 – 600 kilometres inland from the USSR’s western border. The Wehrmacht had completely occupied Lithuania and Latvia, and controlled most of Estonia. However, contrary to the Barbarossa Plan, had failed to encircle the western Soviet forces. The Soviet command continuously assaulted the German forces, distracting them from their objectives, despite being mostly unsuccessful. Nevertheless, the situation at the front was extremely grave. The enemy succeeded in breaching all Soviet defences threatening the security of Leningrad and Kiev.
The encirclement of Red Army troops around Minsk allowed the German command to storm across the Dnepr, the last natural barrier e route to Moscow.
July 10th, Finnish army begins offensive upon Petrozadovsk. German army Group North begins attack on Leningrad. Battle of Smolensk begins. First Partisan units become officially active in the occupied territories.
July 12th, German assault upon Leningrad withstood.
Mid-July, more than 100,000 People’s Militia divisions begin to take up defence of the capital.
July 18th, organised assault ordered upon the Wehrmacht rear. Severe food rationing implemented.
July 20th, attempted air-assault on Leningrad thwarted.
July 20-29th, last defenders of Brest Fortress captured.
July 21st, the Red Army counterattacks and captures the city of Velikie Luki after it was abandoned.
July 22nd , German air assault on Moscow; British senior advisor Price McConaway killed.
August 1st, Red Army breakout at Smolensk.
August 4th, the defence of Oddessa begins.
August 8th, occupation authorities order residents into compulsory labour. Anti-Soviet slavs recruited by German command.
Stalin appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief of USSR forces.
August 10th, 6th and 12th Army surrounded at Umam. 28th Army division captured Roslavi.
August 13th Odessa besieged by Romanian troops.
August 29th, Baltic fleet transferred from Tallinn to Leningrad harbour.
August 30th, Moscow-Leningrad rail links severed by Wehrmacht scout elements.
August 31st, first Allied convoy ports in Archangelelsk.
September 4th, artillery shelling and siege of Leningrad begins.
September 6th, Red Army units liberate Yelnya
September 16th, southwestern front armies surrounded and captured near Kiev. The 5th, 26th and 37th armies trapped.
Mid-September, several radio-controlled explosions destroy key Kiev defence strongholds. Red Army begins to abandon positions in the Crimea.
September 26th, Crimean peninsula cut off from mainland, trapping the veteran 71st Army.
September 29th, beginning of mass executing at Baby Yar, Ukraine. Finnish offensive halted at Karelian Isthmus, Finns assume the defensive.
By the end of the third month of the war on the USSR, the Barbarossa Plan was bracing failure. German casualties far exceeded forecasts and the Leningrad offensive was halted, diverting sizeable forces south where Soviet forces were surrounded and trapped, though the Wehrmacht failed to destroy the main Army battalion. On the Moscow route, the summer offensive was bogged down and the Germans were forced to regroup, slowing the pace.
Although the German high command could no longer maintain their offensive on the entire front, they still had an opportunity to capture Moscow before the winter frosts. Requiring the quick capture of the Soviet capital.
September 30th, Germans begin a major mechanised offensive toward Moscow – Operation Typhoon.
October 6th, the Russian 19th and 20th Armies of the western front captured near Vyazma.
October 9th, major Luftwaffe assault on Murbansk held off with heavy Soviet casualties.
October 16th, the city of Odessa abandoned, its garrison is shipped off to aid in the Crimean breakout. State of high alert declared in Moscow.
October 29th, State Defence Committee orders the reconstruction of evacuated munitions and manufacturing centres.
October 30th, German offensive near Moscow defeated.
Late October, Partisan groups officially control 11,000 square miles of territory in the Leningrad region.
November 8th, rail supply to Leningrad via Lake Ladoga cut off by German-friendly Soviet militia.
November 16th, Red Army units abandon Kerch. City of Sevastopol overrun. USSR abandons all forces from the Crimea peninsular.
November 20th, food rations in Leningrad near depletion.
December 1st-2nd, Red Army garrison evacuated from the Hanko peninsular and transferred to break the siege of Leningrad.
By early December, the Wehrmacht was on the doorstep of the USSR capital and Germany occupied territory home to near 40% of the Russian population. Ukraine – the nations breadbasket, as well as the Donetsk coal basin had been lost, costing the Soviets vast supplies of food and raw materials. Nevertheless, Leningrad, scheduled to have been seized by late summer was still putting up a strong defence, and on the south of the eastern front, Red Army units had been successful in counterattacking by Rostov-On-Don, holding up the resources needed for the push into Moscow of which the major offensive had been defeated. The Barbarossa Plan had failed with nearly one million German soldiers lost in five months, faced the prospect of a prolonged war of which German high command had not planned.
The Soviet high command – with significant aid from British advisors, had averted complete disaster. The German advance had been held in relative check by ceaseless counter-attacks, and evacuation of key industrial centres had not been stopped by German forward units, which were now beginning to produce war materials on a scale that could meet the military’s need. Despite threat of war from Japan, far east battalions were transferred for the defence of Moscow where a huge retaliation was being planned.
December 5th, Soviet counterattack near Moscow begins.
December 8th, German command orders switch to defensive lines along the entire eastern front.
December 9th, siege of Leningrad resumes after fuel shortages and a Soviet counterattack is easily crushed.
Mid-December, approximately 3,500 Partisan groups operating behind Wehrmacht lines.
December 19th, Field Marshal Von Brauchitsch dismissed and Hitler takes personal command of all Wehrmacht forces.
January 18th, 1942, Vyazma air assault operation begins.
January 22nd, liberation of Moscow region near completion as Wehrmacht forces are slowly forced west.
February 2nd, Red Army units surrounded near in the attempted counterattack of Vyazma.
February 4th, a report reaches Moscow from Leningrad referencing the 3,000 a day deaths due to starvation.
March 3rd, 10,000 Soviet citizens relocated to Germany to be used as a bargaining chip if German forces are significantly pushed back.
April 4th, Luftwaffe attempt to sink the entire Baltic garrison fleet at Leningrad is defeated.
By mid-spring 1942, the German Army had been forced westward on all fronts. Tensions between Hitler and his generals rose and he soon began to distrust all his command staff – taking on all strategic decisions himself.
During the winter battles, the German Army barely avoided disaster and the Soviet high command, encouraged by its successes, attempted to expand the counterassault. They planned that 1942 would be the year of victory but did not come to terms with the reality of the situation. By early-spring, the counterattack was wholly insufficient to break through the newly-reinforced German lines and Stalin’s earlier expectations that the Germans would aim a breakthrough into Moscow were false, resulting in the underestimation of German forces and a string of costly Soviet losses.
May 6th–19th, 8 Allied convoys arrive in the USSR northern ports.
May 8th, German offensive pushes back Red Army units in the Crimea, effectively halting the southern Soviet counterattack.
May 23rd, Wehrmacht units surrounded by Kharkov.
May 30th, Partisan headquarters established to aid resistance movements.
June 18th, massive Luftwaffe air strike on Murmansk denies entry a Allied convoy which is sunk.
June 30th, Moscow orders Red Army to abandon Sevastopol.
July 2nd, Luftwaffe bombs Soviet Black Sea fleets in Novorossisysk, sinking many warships.
Due to Stalin’s many errors in planning, the Red Army failed to take advantages of it’s 1941 winter situation. The 2nd Volkhov regiment assigned to break through the Leningrad siege was isolated and destroyed. By early July the situation was disastrous in the southern front. Having failed to establish a sustainable defence, Soviet troops were retreating in several areas and morale was deteriorating.
In the meantime, German assaults being more frequent and ferocious and a serious threat emerged that the Wehrmacht may break through the hastily established west-Moscow region Volga Line.
July 6th, German troops breakthrough and occupy portions of the Voronezh.
July 17th, Wehrmacht offensive on Stalingrad region begins.
July 24th, the Red Army abandons Rostov-On-Don after fierce street-fighting.
July 29th, the 28th Red Army division is annihilated at Rzhev.
July 28th, Stalin issues order no. 227 (the ‘Not one step back’ order) after speedy Russian retreats in the face of German advances.
August 10th, massive tank battle at Karmanovo, Moscow region.
August 12th, remnants of the 8th Red Army unit pull back to Stalingrad. Wehrmacht units seize Krasnodar.
August 23rd, the Luftwaffe heavily bombs Stalingrad, forcing mass evacuations.
September 7th, street combat begins in Novorossiysk, after Soviet forces evacuate frontal positions.
September 13th, street combat begins in Stalingrad and many Red Army relief divisions are lost after crossing a semi-frozen lake and drown.
September 26th, the 6th Wehrmacht Army forces reach the Volga river after nearly overrunning the city of Stalingrad.
October 6th, Germany units break through Soviet defences at the Crimean peninsular, allowing the Romanian 3rd Army to be deployed.
October 11th, German preparations for a final assault on Leningrad are disrupted by Soviet air attacks.
Mid-October, Germans capture the last defenders of the Azdhimushkay quarry.
November 13th, German offensive at Ordheziehkdze halted at the last moment. The Wehrmacht makes a final push to fully occupy Stalingrad.
November 19th, the Red Army begins a counterattack in Stalingrad.
November 23rd, the Wehrmacht 6th and the 4th Panzer division are surrounded inside the city.
December 2nd, the German garrison in Veilkei Luki is captured.
December 12th, Operation Winter Storm – German troops attempt to relieve the 6th Wehrmacht in Stalingrad.
December 19th, Failure of Operation Winter Storm, relief effort held back, but the 6th Wehrmacht continue to hold out.
January 8th 1943, Soviet ultimatum to the 6th Wehrmacht surrounded in Stalingrad rejected.
January 31st, General Paulus captured in Stalingrad, forcing the surrender of the 6th Wehrmacht.
February 4th, amphibious Red Army troops land near Novorossiysk. Battle for Malaya Zemlya begins.
February 16th, the Red Army liberates Kharkov.
March 3rd-16th , Croatian army units retake Kharkov, forcing the retreat of the Red Army liberators.
By the end of 1943 the Red Army had punched through many of the German defensive lines and the only option for the
German command to avoid total defeat was to quickly reorganise and reinforce the defensive line, whilst simultaneously retreating west. The Wehrmacht were eventually forced back to where they had initially begun their 1942 offensive, abandoning their many key strongholds in fear of being outmanoeuvred.
However, as early as mid-1942 the Soviet counterattack had lossed much momentum, primarily due to ever increasing supply lines, and successful temporary enemy counterattacks. Operations on all fronts where at a standstill and both sides needed time to regroup and plan for the next stages of battle. But with Soviet armies slowly approaching the occupied cities of Kursk, Orel and Belgorod, there was no doubt about the location of the impending battles.
April 11th, Soviet air strikes begin more frequently in industrial areas of German-held Soviet territory to deny the use of their armament output, as well as targeting rail lines, severing key links and air feilds.
April 17th, the Kuban air battle begins in the skies above Novorossiysk.
June 7th, Luftwaffe losses reach 1,000 planes in the ongoing Kuban air battle.
Late-June, the Luftwaffe mounts a massive attack on Soviet manufacturing centres in Gorky and Saratov, east Moscow region.
By June 1943, the Red Army command abandoned its offensive stance temporarily, concentrating on reinforcing the Kursk region where a network of powerful defence fortifications were constructed; foxholes and trenches were dug. An enormous amount of equipment was deployed to the region, as well as near 2 million troops from both sides who were transferred to the site of the upcoming battles that would determine the outcome of the war.
July 4th – 5th, Soviet artillery launches a preemptive strike on German positions.
July 10th, Wehrmacht assault on Kurst narrowly misses objectives, resulting in an orderly withdrawal.
July 11th, at great expense, the Soviet 5th Tank Army successfully halted the Wehrmacht offensive on Kursk at the battle of Prokhorovka.
August 5th, firework display in Moscow to celebrate the liberation of Orel and Belgorod the night before.
August 11th, Wehrmacht command orders the construction of the defensive Eastern Wall.
Late-August, the battle of Dnepr begins.
September 1st, all territory abandoned by police or troops in Ukraine ordered to be razed to the ground.
September 2nd, Red Army units advance into northern Ukraine after German occupiers abandon it.
September 15th, southern army groups begin to withdraw to the Eastern Wall.
September 16th, Red Army troops entirely eliminate the German presence within Norovossiysk.
September 26th, Bryansk Front troops begin the liberation of Belorussia.
October 6th, the Luftwaffe sink much of the Black Sea fleet, slowing the Soviet advance into the Crimea.
October 23rd, Red Army units seize significant ground in Dnepr.
November 5th, the Red Army blockades much of the peninsular, trapping many Wehrmacht units.
November 6th, Kiev is retaken by the USSR.
Throughout the autumn of 1943, the German Army attempted to stabilize their positions, but unrelenting Red Army attacks prevented much success. Hopes to halt the advance at Dnepr were also in vain and by November, the Soviets had established several major beachheads, with the Germans lacking the resources to oust them.
The Soviet military command – despite making many failures, had learnt from them, and now carefully conducted future operations that planned to crush the Germans still in Russian territory.
January 19th 1944, the German Novgorod group laying siege to Leningrad is nearly surrounded.
January 27th, the Red Army breaks the 900 day siege of Leningrad.
January 28th, Soviet tank divisions surround and destroy all remnants of the German Korsun-Shevchenko Group.
February 3rd, Leningrad Front troops cross the Narva river into Estonia.
March 1st, the Red Army fully liberates the Leningrad region. Soviet air forces strike the German fleet in the Narva Bay.
March 11th, diplomatic ties established with the new anti-Fascist Italian government.
March 26th, Soviet forces reach the Soviet-Romanian border.
April 7th, Wehrmacht high command redeploys troops from Hungary, France, Yugoslavia and Romania to Ukraine.
April 10th, Russian troops liberate Odessa. The Red Army enters the Crimea.
April 12th, the USSR offers Romania terms of truce.
May 9th, the 4th Ukrainian Front fully eliminates the German-Romania presence from the Crimea.
June 20th, the Red Army gains control of Vyborg from the Finns.
June 21rd, Soviet high command prepares a massive offensive into Belorussia, whilst taking great care to convince the Wehrmacht that they will instead march into Ukraine.
June 23rd, the Red Army begins Operation Bagration with a general attack on Belorussia.
July 3rd, German forces surrounded in Minsk.
July 17th, 57,600 Wehrmacht prisoners-of-war are paraded through Moscow streets.
July 20th, 1st Belorussian Army crosses the River Bug into Polish territory.
July 21st, Karelian Front troops reach the Finnish-Soviet border.
July 24th, 1st Belorussian Army ‘liberates’ the Majdanek concentration camp, converting it for Soviet use, imprisoning near 11,200 captured German and Russian deserters.
July 31st, Red Army units storm eastern suburbs of Warsaw.
August 1st, the Warsaw Uprising begins.
August 7th, 4th Ukrainian Front troops enter Slovakia.
August 24th, Romanian dictator Antonescu overthrown. The new Romanian government declares war on Germany.
August 25th, the Finnish government requests a truce from the USSR to cease all attacks.
September 4th, Finland announces withdrawal from the war and breaks ties with German.
September 5th, the Soviet Union declares war on Bulgaria.
September 9th, Bulgaria joins the Allies.
October 10th, Red Army units enter eastern Prussia. Reports come to the attention of the Allied governments that Stalin has been carrying out a policy of ‘liquidating all captured Prussian civilians that cannot join compulsory labour groups’. The new Italian government protests these ‘Crimes against Humanity’, but Britain and America remain silent.
October 15th – 16th, pro-German coup in Budapest ousts the new socialist government in Hungary.
October 21st, Karelian troops begin the liberation of Norway after breaking through the Kriegsmarine naval blockade.
October 29th, Red Army offensive on Budapest begins. Albanian National Liberation Army ousts Wehrmacht occupiers from their country.
December 26th, after much resistance, the 2nd and 3rd Ukrainian Front overwhelm Budapest’s outer defences and enter the city. Fierce street-combat follows.
January 16th 1945, Red Army and Polish troops liberate Warsaw.
January 19th, Soviet troops officially enter Germany after false claims on the world stage of doing so weeks earlier.
January 20th, German Panzar divisions attempt to relieve Hungarian forces in Budapest.
January 27th, USSR liberates prisoners of Auschwitz; converts the camp into a vast prison.
February 13th, Red Army eliminates guerilla forces in Budapest. Occupies the city.
March 6th, Army Group South strikes Red Army units in north Hungary aided by Hungarian guerillas, withstanding numerous counter-attacks.
Mach 16th, Soviet offensive on Vienna begins but stalled by Red Army retreats due to Wehrmacht counterattacks.
April 4th, Soviet-Polish forces overwhelm Wehrmacht divisions in Danzig.
April 5th, Stalin signs a USSR-Japan Non-Aggression Pact.
April 9th, Koenigsberg’s Wehrmacht garrison surrenders.
April 15th, 3rd Ukrainian Front troops occupy Vienna.
April 18th, the Battle for Berlin begins as Soviet and Belorussia troops reach outskirts of the German capital.
April 25th, Red Army units meet US Army divisions at Elbe.
April 27th, Wehrmacht attempts to unblock Berlin are defeated.
April 30th, Red Army soldiers raise the Soviet flag atop the Reichstag.
May 2nd, The Commandant alive in Berlin surrenders the Wehrmacht garrison.
May 5th, Prague defence forces almost defeated by an armed Anti-Fascist takeover in the Czechoslovakian capital.
May 8th, German command signs an unconditional surrender in Berlin. Several high-ranking officials attempting to flee to northern Italy are stopped on the German-Hungarian border, though many evade capture, with reports of top German officials seen in Argentina and surrounding South American countries continuing for many years.
From the creation of the Fascist movement, Mussolini organized his supporters through fear and intolerance of Bolshevism after taking power in the East and his hatred of liberal beliefs; said by him to have weakened Italy, which had succeeded in gaining him the support of many other Italian communities.
Mussolini held near total domination of all social, economic, political, and cultural aspects of his citizen’s lives. Utilizing mass state intervention into Italian education, leisure, media, business and society his totalitarian regime aimed to transform the Italian people’s lives through omnipresent propaganda from many waring factions into one unified people. He turned pre-war Italy into an Orwellian thought-crime nightmare, eliminating all non-Fascist thought and opposition by absorbing them into his new society or simply drowning out all dissent.
Wherever people of the Kingdom of Italy went, Fascist ideology was indoctrinated into their minds. Clubs such as the Young Fascists and the University Fascist Group were set up outside of regular schooling for young boys and girls, giving them opportunities for camping, physical training, sports and other competitive events; continuing up to the age of fourteen where military drills were added. stepping stones for fulfilling Mussolini’s vision of an immensely violent and competitive youth. the main factor of his ideological beliefs.
Corporations regularly issued notes from ‘Ill Duce’ to workers who were content with arriving late to their place of work; warning them about the potential repercussions that would follow, leaving them confused and afraid, yet in wonder of their leader who was always watching that single individual. With the of support of the Church, he abolished divorce and encouraged women to stay at home and raise large families; issuing prizes and medals to the bearers of large families of children.
To allow this, he restricted those who wished to work to few high-payed jobs in industry, through the improved relationship between business and state. Teachers wore mandatory uniforms and recited oaths of allegiance to their leader instead of their head of state, the King Victor Emmanuel III. Those who dared to refuse were thrown out from their professions and had all areas of their influence destroyed, effectively wiping them from all memory. School curriculums were rewritten for re-educational purposes with pupils soon spending half their time learning how to be good Fascists. This new society gave people new values. Boys were told from birth that they were born into the Glorious Italian empire to fight her enemies, whereas women were enforced with the belief they had the honor of baring children for Mussolini to lead into expanding the realm.
In contradiction to this, the Fascists were rarely interested in profiling religious minorities for persecution and it was not until halfway through the Second World War when Mussolini succumbed to increasing German pressure did he target the Jewish community. Universities were left almost untouched during his premiership and although history books were altered to promote the new ideology, most teachers of the time rarely followed them and taught as they saw fit. Although he obtained support of the Catholic Church by recognizing the sovereignty of the Vatican and keeping the official state religion as Catholic, the institution and Pope were still present as an alternative deity to worship, and as religious education was made compulsory in schools, this gave a clear contradiction in Mussolini’s attitude and reputation as being the only ‘God-like’ figure of worship.
Mussolini’s society implemented a new economic ‘third way’ system of corporatism, partly to please left-wing supporters by, in theory, having the state more effectively handle their issues previously covered by a union, with Fascists claiming that this would resolve class conflict. Of course, trade unions had to be banned for this to work and Mussolini immediately did just this, harshly dealing with protesters who attempted to organize a national strike in retaliation.
Employees would represent the nation’s economic producers and employers would work alongside the state to meet the needs of it’s people through an extensive program of public works designed to provide an economic stimulus to the country to improve agricultural infrastructure and to generate much needed foreign investment, with the taxation system was revised to encourage this, massively benefiting the image of Italy upon the world stage, though at the expense of it’s own people. To increase the domestic production of grain, the Fascist Government established protectionist policies that heavily discouraged international investment, delivering a major blow to Italy which was wholly dependent upon this trade, however, private foreign land reclamations did in fact result in increased agricultural output, though in the same way the Soviet Union had confiscated massive amounts of land to achieved this. Historian Denis Mack-Smith commented that:
”Success in the Battle for Grain was another illusory propaganda victory, won at the expense of the Italian economy in general, and consumers in particular..”
But, as promised, workers received their promised shortened days and their demand for an official state inquiry into the gains of the industrialists during the World War was met, though to please them, the wealthy enjoyed much reduced taxes in return for their hefty cooperation. Mussolini also encouraged bribery among official ‘prefect’ inspectors who told each corporation what to produce, and was fairly tolerant on the resurging Italian mafia, extracting ‘protection charges’ in exchange for the stand-down of the national police.
Intolerance and Mussolini’s desire for a pure Fascist society silenced all dissenting thought and attitudes of the former leadership contenders, the extreme left-wing parties such as the Socialists. The intelligence service and secret police; the MSVN, gave the Duce the image of being everywhere and all-knowing, keeping his opposition silent in fear of someone listening, ready to report to the squadristi. Civil liberties were ‘temporarily’ suspended in the name of combating Bolshevik terrorism, with attacks and assassination attempts being staged so as justify the implementation of a police state.
Mussolini had never intended to share power with the Liberals who were in the government and upon passing of the Acerbo Act, he introduced a Grand Council which would decide all policy for Italy without approval of the non-fascists in the Parliament first, allowing him to slowly push through the classic features of a dictatorship. He soon outlawed rival political parties and a secret police force was set up called the OVRA to survey them and by 1940, 4000 prominent politicians and activists were falsify accused of serious crimes and arrested, sent to the Lipari state prison or in the case of former socialists who commanded huge followings, lunatic asylums. Mussolini commented on his changes, stating:
”Any possibility of choice is eliminated.. I never dreamed of a, democratic Italy where one group could alter our nation after several years and another then change the direction of policy another (way).. ”
Mussolini however never strongly enforced many of his minor policies; military training remained non-compulsory (though much pressure what put on men to join), and although the death penalty was reintroduced, less than 23 deaths were justified from it between 1926 and the following 2 decades. Minor political factions that opposed the new rule and were forced underground, did rarely bother Mussolini and his most violent followers were kept satisfied by regular beatings of activists and strikers due to the non-intervention of police.
Upon assuming power in 1922, Mussolini’s background of journalism gave him the knowledge of the new importance of media that could heavily influence individuals and emphasized his efforts primary upon propaganda distribution and he immediately nationalized the countries’ entire media industry. Opposition posters were tore down and replaced by charismatic images of Ill Duce that were plastered all over Rome. He initially encouraged boycotts and organized attacks upon hostile media distributors, but by 1926 the last significant anti-Fascist newspaper ended resistance and conformed to Fascist demands after it’s chief editor was brutally beaten and replaced by a Fascist sympathizer.
The state controlled what and what not the papers could say and reporting of major crimes, natural disasters and general government failures was strictly outlawed, with Mussolini’s own agency releasing reports upon the ‘correct’ version of events. The authorities confiscated papers on the grounds they published false information likely to incite hatred or bring the government into contempt, and whilst pro-Fascist journals were heavily subsidized, government permission was needed to publish articles from non-party members. As with all government employees, journalists had to have a state-issued license, which encouraged many bohemians to circulate underground newspapers such as the Corriere Della Sera which had it’s readership base increase ten fold and far more popular than the Party newspapers of that period.
After initially refusing to use radio as a means for promoting his message, the increasing ownership rates of radio units during the Fascist regime, Mussolini soon transformed the radio into the major tool for influencing the population by being used as an instrument used to broadcast Mussolini’s open-air speeches. Film however was not widely used for false reporting, as it was clear the public were not interested in the serious films the government produced, although the far more dominating imports from Hollywood such as Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, included regular heavy censorship, used to avoid unwanted foreign material. Mussolini ironically enjoyed the Laurel and Hardy show, despite disapproving of international film due to the tariffs placed on them and government support for domestic film producers in the form of high subsidies.
Ill Duce was primary portrayed as the unifying force of the fascist regime; acting as a mediator of various political groups and social classes in the Italian society. He was generally shown in a very masculine manner, although he would also appear as a military or family man, reflecting his presentation as a universal man, capable of loving all his subjects. The monopoly on posters issued propaganda that showed a light left on in his office long into the night to present him as an insomniac, failing to sleep because of his constant work in devotion of his people.
Prior to the much revered Olympic Games, Mussolini was shown as an unyielding athlete of various sports which created an image of a valiant and fearless hero, implying qualities of energy and courage. His youthfulness; promoted as the youngest prime minister in Italian history was immediately recognized with the symbolism of youth used as a metaphor for action, showing fascism as a revolutionary ideology in contrast to the ‘stasis’ of previous Liberal rule. The publicizing of Mussolini’s birthdays and illnesses were banned to give an impression of him not aging to constantly show an illusionary metaphor of vitality. State propaganda also promoted his ‘sexual attraction’ to the opposite gender, implying that every women should be with a man such as himself.
Legends of defying death during the First World War and surviving assassination attempts were not countered, and were in fact circulated to give the dictator an immortal reputation. The Roman Catholic Church was well aware that Mussolini had saved Italy from Bolshevism and in return, protected and promoted him within the Catholic community. He was regularly depicted as being chosen by God and the Vatican presented Mussolini of having ‘God-like’ characteristics, such as being able to work superhuman amounts daily. Religious newspapers even implied even that he had performed miracles such as stopping the lava flow of Mount Etna, and invoking rain in the drought-ridden Libya. Stories of a deaf boys being cured after listening in a crowd to a speech the Duce was making were told in schools.
Though very suspicious of the Vatican, Mussolini helped spread the rumours of the Church when he was compared to religious figures depicted in the Romanithia Areticles newspaper:
”.. (Mussolini’s)body had been pierced by shrapnel shards just like Saint Sebastian had been pierced by arrows; the difference being that our revered Duce had survived this ordeal.”
Mussolini’s determination in creating a totalitarian state was achieved this through his motto ‘Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.’ The former Finance Minister, Francesco Nitti; a strong opponent of Benito Mussolini proclaimed:
”The Fascist government abolished in Italy every safeguard of the individual and every liberty. No free man can live in Italy, and an immoral law prevents Italians from going to a foreign country on pain of punishment. Italy is a prison where life has become intolerable. Everything is artificial – artificial finance – artificial exchange – artificial public economy – artificial order – artificial calm. Without a free parliament, a free press, a free opinion and a true democracy, there will never be peace..”
This statement proves just how intolerant Fascist culture and Ill Duce was, by completely eliminating any outside influence that could potentially plant opposing or ‘irrelevant’ beliefs. The constant threat of MSVN retribution for any anti-Fascist action was enough to eradicate significant resistance to the new order. The war with Abyssinia was glorified as the reintroduction of the Holy Roman Empire, with Mussolini commonly compared to the great Emperors of old. However, unlike some totalitarian regimes, the Fascist government didn’t regulate all aspects of Italian life. Mussolini’s economic policy of corporatism was loosely enforced and so the traditional elitist groups that indirectly controlled Italy before did not suffer greatly under the Fascists, with the old conservative class retaining much control and influence over the army and industry.
What Mussolini did fiercely not tolerate however, was the media and the spread of opposition beliefs, using mass propaganda in retaliation to such an extent that Hitler had acknowledged these successes and utilized unrelenting propaganda throughout his own premiership.
Contrary to popular belief, Benito Mussolini ascended to power legally, according to the Italian Constitution; appointed directly by King Victor Emmanuel III. No revolution took place.
The Italian government at this time was very weak. The ruling Liberals had gained a reputation of being corrupt and uninspired to challenge Italy’s social and political problems, tending to simply rig and buy off elections as a solution to the political turmoil. They had ruled before the war and had suffered a split over the war intervention issue from which they never recovered.
Italy emerged from the war with soaring inflation, a huge debt and unemployment spurred on by the demobilization of the army. To stave off uprisings among the poor, the government subsidized almost everything from bread to clothes. Its expenditure was far greater than its revenue, yet the Liberal State refused to tax the wealthy, severely angering working-classes. The party stood divided and no group ever again gained a complete majority in the House of Deputies, leading to many consecutive coalition agreements. This allowed their opponents to gain greater support from the people, such as the Socialists and Communists who’s support base was made up from many of the working-classes who were impressed by the Bolshevik ‘worker’s revolution’ in Russia, which soon inspired revolution in Italy.
After being thrown out by the Italian Socialist Party for publishing his support for war intervention in the Socialist newspaper Avanti, Mussolini made a radical change and soon denounced socialism for failing to recognize that the war had showed national identity and patriotism as being of more importance than social-class, proclaiming: “Socialism as a doctrine was already dead; it continued to exist only as a grudge”.
In retaliation, he formed the newspaper Fasci Rivoluzionari d’Azione Internazionalista, the ‘Revolutionary Fasci for International Action’. His support of Italian intervention gave him financial support from various armament manufacturers such as Ansaldo, to create another newspaper, Il Popolo d’Italia to convince socialists to support the war.
Mussolini soon founded a movement called Fasci di Combattimento. The first meeting was attended by proud war veterans, nationalists and disillusioned socialists. He made allies from those veterans who called themselves the Arditi (the brave). The Arditi were organized for violence against the ‘traitors’ who spoke out against the war, expressing this through street fighting and their passion for wearing an insignia uniform, soon becoming known as: the ‘Blackshirts’. They complained that at the Paris Peace Conference, Italy was being cheated out of its just reward for participation in World War I. Soon developing a loathing for the incapable Liberal government, Mussolini said that Italy had a right to its place in the world and held a desire for the re-emergence of a new Roman Empire and made clear his opposition to the Monarchy and the Catholic Church.
Mussolini’s main enemy was the Socialist Party and in 1919, Mussolini’s movement attacked the Avanti newspaper building, attempting to persuade workers to align with his cause but failed to attract them away from their socialist-led unions.
The later Milanese elections led to further disappointment as Mussolini and his Fascists won nothing. His supporters resorted to acts of terrorism, sending explosives through the mail to Socialist supporters and incited non-partisan gangs to throw bombs at groups of Socialists celebrating their victory. Many of them were tried and found guilty, but were were omitted due to their actions being described as personal ‘patriotic motives’.
A former World War I pilot, Gabriele D’Annunzio led an army of 2,000 veterans into the small city of Fiume on the eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea and seized power. Fiume had a large Italian population, and many Italians wanted the province to be a part of their nation. However the leaders of the newly formed Yugoslavia bitterly resented this, financing an underground resistance movement. Mussolini praised D’Annunzio, describing him as the only man who had “dared to revolt against the plutocracy that had created the Versailles Treaty” and eagerly adopted his personality and style of patriotic balcony speeches and hosting parades and publicity events.
In 1919-20 during a period known as ‘Red Week’, workers in Italy’s top industries went on strike. Workers and trade unions locked themselves inside their factories and the homes of land-owners were ransacked. The upper-classes became terrified of the threat of revolution and the loss of their property.
Mussolini saw this as an opportunity to exploit the fear of the upper-classes and the Fascists formed organised armed squads of Blackshirts led by Mussolini’s closest friend Dino Grandi, with the intention of restoring order to the streets of Italy. They quickly took advantage of the situation, violently breaking up strikes and attacking trade union leaders. The Blackshirts clashed with communists, socialists, and anarchists who all regally fought with each other, instead of coming together to coercively oppose this new threat. They were so effective against the Socialist threat that they soon began to gain significant support and his armed Fascists soon took on the role of heroes of social order as they began running the essential services that were abandoned by the strikers. The Fascists having won the praise of Italy’s middle-classes, were applauded by former Liberal supporters, viewing the violence not as a threat to them, but as a defence against the threat of a left-wing revolution. Mussolini initially avoided Fascist violence but then began to use it as a weapon, gaining support from property owners. The government rarely intervened with the Blackshirts’ actions, due to the looming threat of a ‘red revolution’ and as they foresaw them as becoming a significant political force and assumed they may be forced to strike a deal with them if a coalition occurred and so had no wish to anger them in anticipation of the future.
The Fascisti gained much approval for their actions and grew so rapidly that within two years Mussolini founded another movement, ‘The Fighting Fascists’ who won the favour of the nation’s youth. The electors in 1921 sent him to Parliament along with thirty-five other Fascist Deputies, giving birth to the National Fascist Party – boasting more than 250 thousand followers and Mussolini as its uncontested leader. They now enjoyed the support of vital groups: the large industries, farmers, military, and the Church who were delighted with Mussolini’s solution to their problems: organize the youth to forcibly control the workers and set up a tough government to restore ‘law and order’. It was the complete opposite of his early views as a socialist.
An important reason for Fascism’s early support, was the fact that it opposed social-class discrimination. Instead, supporting nationalist sentiments such as strong unity, regardless of race or class, in the hope of raising Italy up to the levels of its great Roman past.. Mussolini promoted an ideology of protecting class unity, rejection of equality, mass militarization of the nation and imperialism of the world.
Although they gained but a minority in the House of Deputies, many property owners strongly felt that the Fascists should be in government, and urged Liberal leaders to make this possible. The support gained from groups such as the police who sympathised with the Fascists – thankful for their assistance with suppressing the regular strikers, played an important role in the Fascist takeover. Mussolini soon realised however, that an attempt at using violence to achieve a military coup and overthrow the Monarchy would be stopped by the army, destroying his reputation among the upper-classes and would never succeed in bringing him to power.
Mussolini attempted to please both his violent Fascists and the traditionalist higher-classes, by expressing both revolutionary and conservative attitudes simultaneously; often described as the ‘The Third Way’ because it was vastly different to anything else in the political climate during that era.
Meanwhile, the Liberal Prime Minister Giolitti had done much to alienate his political base. His government was in need of additional strength so he invited the Fascists to join him in a coalition. Mussolini soon saw an opportunity for entering national politics and securing power by legal means. He immediately joined the coalition, which in turn planted seeds of dissent among his violent supporters who still held hopes for a revolutionary coup to gain power. Although Mussolini’s party had won the lowest amount of seats in the House of Deputies, their paramilitary Blackshirts still controlled the streets, violently punishing those who expressed Socialist attitudes, much to the delight of the business owners.
In response to the squadrista’s increasing violent behaviour towards non-Fascists, Mussolini soon feared the formation of a counteractive coalition among his opponents that would leave him politically isolated – as many anti-Fascist Deputies favored. To stave off such a threat, Mussolini ordered his squadrista leaders; the Ra’s, to briefly hold back their violence. Now that he was into genuine politics, he was seeking more credibility to attract potential allies from the conservative upper-classes.
The opposition parties however, were generally unresponsive. They boycotted Parliament in the ‘Aventine Secession’, hoping to force the King to dismiss Mussolini whilst creating a new Parliament as they saw Mussolini’s actions as unconstitutional. The king – as ever, fearful of violence from the Fascist squadristi, refused to dismiss him.
In contrast to this weakness of the ruling government, Mussolini was a figure of strength. He spoke of recreating Italian power by reviving the economy and restoring law and order. He also declared his support for the Monarchy, with the admiration and approval of Italy’s Queen Mother, Margarita. And because of the boycott of Parliament, Mussolini could pass any legislation unopposed which he began with the ‘Acerbo Act’, granting a two-thirds majority of seats in the party which obtained at least 25% of the vote and his law was utilized in the elections of 1924, where his ‘National Alliance’ of Fascists, and old absorbed Liberals won 64% of the vote.
But these successive victories soon proved too little, as within his own party, Mussolini faced severe dissension. His squadristi Ra’s met with Mussolini and gave him a final demand – ”Crush the opposition and march on Rome, or we will seek another to lead us towards genuine revolution”. Fearing a revolt from inside his own party, Mussolini decided to drop all pretence of his democratic ideals.
The possibility of such a march soon became public knowledge, although the current government led by Facta however, appeared unwilling to defend against a Fascist coup or to limit the violence that was still occurring on the streets. The Left saw itself as the only force that could stop them, but were heavily divided. In a final attempt at a show of force, the Socialist Party declared a general strike in late 1924. Very few people participated however and the strike gave Mussolini an opportunity to demonstrate how the Fascists were willing to provide voluntary services to the nation, once again posing as the saviours of the country, increasing national and patriotic pride, appealing to the middle-classes who simply wanted an uninterrupted daily life.
Once he saw that his opponents had put up such meagre resistance, Mussolini unleashed his threat in early 1925, where he made a final challenge before the Chamber to his opponents; backed up by the looming squadrista militants lurking outside the Parliament building, where – after receiving no challenger, he promised to ”march into Rome and save the Fatherland from the Anarchists”. This threat made Facta so uneasy that he doubled the city garrison in the face of the Fascist threat. Facta later pleaded with the King, Victor Emmanuel III, who was the head of the armed forces, to establish martial law. However, the King – being unsure of the loyalty of his army to the Monarchy because of the recent conflict in Albania where half the entire army completely disobeyed their orders from their commander-in-chief, he had u-turned on his original decision and refused to sign the order; in his mind, potentially averting a civil war. Facta then resigned as Prime Minister and the king was forced to find a replacement.
Victor Emmanuel III eventually offered Giolitti’s opponent, Salandra, the position of Prime Minister, who in turn, offered the Fascists four cabinet places, but Mussolini – spurred on by his foresight of close victory and the threats from his squadrista commanders, declined. Mussolini was invited by the King to become the Prime Minister, who eagerly accepted.
The Fascist revolutionaries were beginning to arrive from their ‘March on Rome’ and Mussolini turned what had been a threat to seize power, into a victory parade, pleasing both groups of his political base. To quickly consolidate his position, Mussolini received dictator-like powers from the legislature for one single year; legal under the Italian constitution of the time. He forced through the complete restoration of state authority, with the integration of the Blackshirts into the armed forces and the identification of ultra-nationalism within the state.
However, the assassination of the Socialist Deputy Giacomo Matteotti – murdered after he openly denounced Fascist violence during the elections, sparked a crisis and reversed Mussolini’s early fortunes. The murderer, a Blackshirt named Dumini, reported to Mussolini soon after the murder, who instantly ordered a cover-up, although several prominent witnesses managed to discreetly reveal the incident and the crisis provoked cries for justice against the murder of an outspoken critic of Fascist violence. The outcry soon wore off, for there was no mass demonstration against the murder of Matteotti. And with his death, soon followed the end of any organised opposition.
As the 1930s began, Mussolini was seated safely in power and enjoyed wide support. The wealthiest groups who had backed him now profited from the system of corporatism. As Prime Minister however, Mussolini offered few solutions to Italy’s problems, declaring many controversial issues such as the lack of successful harvests as solved, simply by stating so. He suspended civil liberties, silenced all opposition, and imposed dictatorship upon his people. However in 1931, a historic meeting with the Vatican saw him settle the age-old differences between the Italian state and the Roman Catholic Church. Pope Pius XI proclaimed that Mussolini had been sent ”by Divine Providence”, which helped to him to assume further totalitarian powers under the guise of the old ‘Divine Right of Kings’ ruling authority.
Winchester News Online (WINOL) is a multimedia news website, produced by Winchester University’s journalism students, with news covered from the university campus to as far afield as the New Forrest and the Isle of Wight, in Hampshire.
In my view, Winchester News Online has published some excellent student journalism in this semester. Although I had not regularly visited the site prior to working on it, in discussions with other students, especially third years, and hearing from guest editors, the work, performance and content standards were set at a higher level from previous years, as I assume is the case every in every new semester. Although the consistency of work produced has varied from week to week rather than constantly improving, this must be because the second years are still settling into their roles on the team. I believe this because the consistently of the third year students is undoubted in their work produced and their time spent on mentoring the newcomers and their work on other projects outside of WINOL.
I conclude – as I have seen through my own performance, that the trend has and will continue improve with time and practice; both as individual reporters or other contributing roles, and as a team-producing content news site.
On the aesthetics of the site itself, the presentation of the content is good, with much content on each page with little left bare. A clear and simple layout and site map allows for easy navigation whether as a new user or as a frequent visitor. The amount of published content – text, picture and video has, according the people I previously mentioned, greatly improved. There are sections for news, sport, education, politics, business, features and more.
The content of the news produced is great. The news stories are standard local pieces, and almost all have interviews and some excellent and imaginative shots such as in the ‘Benefits street’ story which combines several good interviewees with great sound-bites and adventuring to the street of the story. One thing which has been mentioned by staff and students alike is that some interviews are with those likely to be students on pieces which are not particularly about them. I can see this as either a lack of access to better interviewees or laziness. I can understand the mindset for interviews with a young audience, however this comes down to where WINOL decides to expand and focus its target audience upon, Winchester and university-centered, or across Hampshire. The introducing of more and improved graphics has added to the aura of professionalism we have.
There are increasing interviews with senior political figures such as in Nick Clegg’s surprise visit to Eastleigh and Sajid Javid’s campaigning which were both unannounced events, and the Southampton house explosion which all happened on days where WINOL went out. This shows that we have the capability to find and report the news in real-time, as well as the fact that our methods for doing so are on the right track and I can only hope that with the departure of the third years next semester that this performance will continue and even improve if possible.
Each story is mostly local, with the occasional venturing off to a far side of Hampshire which I believe will become more regular in the future, depending on the big issue of our perceived audience. In previous years it was the university campus, and Winchester with the odd trip to Southampton or Eastleigh, but as WINOL grows we need to firmly decide who we are appealing to and whether we need to produce more stories from around the entirely of Hampshire – which was of particular interest to me, since my beat is politics in Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, or focus on the immediate area of Winchester and its surrounding cities. Practically all guest editors have highlighted this issue that we do not know who we should be targeting, and we need to firmly establish this in order to tap into that additional audience.
Although the quantity and the quality is of high merit, I believe one other problem and something that could be improved in the following WINOL is the frequency of publication. In online journalism we have to post good, legal and entertaining pieces, but also to do it often enough that we keep our following from thinking we are a site that updates only once a week.
WINOL’s traffic figures improved greatly by more than 6000 places to 32,323 by the end of the semester – according to Alexa rankings, where previously we were at number 38,579 in the UK at the beginning in early October. Despite this performance, WINOL is still below our rivals in student journalism.
We also made improvements as we further expanded our social media presence online, creating an Instagram and Pinterest account. The position of social media editor was officially created, with Lynn doing and excellent job constantly updating Twitter and Facebook, and aggressively requiring reporters in the field to take pictures whilst at work. Notably, we reached our goal from last year to 2000 Twitter followers by running a competition to our audience.
To increase our viewing figures, we need to use social media to an even greater extent, to advertise the bulletin in particular. However, with no defined target audience I believe this is negatively affecting our means to promote ourselves. If we decide to focus more on students, perhaps another means for promotion would be to screen the bulletin around the campus, and I am somewhat surprised that this hasn’t been done.
The additions to news – sport and features, have gone in a great direction with larger and more experienced teams than past years. ‘Tough Mudder’ was the stand-alone piece with good shots from all different angles, and access to a world event in Winchester. Sportsweek returning and Goal of the Month brought in huge views too. Features launched W2 and focussed this year on video content with some exceptional results such as the fashion shoot in week one. The first two hour feature production was pulled off with no major faults and should set a precedent for further feature bulletins. People are coming for bulletin but stay for the sport, and increasingly the features, so this is why must endeavour to promote the bulletin above all else as much as possible.
My role in news was as political reporter for Hampshire. I aimed to produce packages on national news stories but bringing them back with a local angle. With a larger team it was naturally much more difficult to get into the headlines although every week where I produced something it did make the bulletin. Although I only produced four packages that were eventually broadcast – due to reasons ranging from cancelling interviewees, to filming, weather and editing problems, I did attempt to find something each for every week. It took me several weeks to really find my place and work out how I would produce my stories, but after this time I slowly improved, week on week.
A slight issue I found with my position was that I struggled to balance between stories throughout Hampshire such as in the New Forrest but also local areas such as Southampton, Eastleigh, and Winchester although they are in theory covered by other reporters. My solution to this was simply to offer the story to someone on that beat, for example, the empty homes story I gave to Winchester’s political reporter Lauren Clarke. So throughout the semester I attempted to balance between local stories which have an audience closer to us with more relevant stories, alongside reporting on major issues affecting the whole (in the case of firefighter strikes) or other parts such as the Isle of Wight. In the future I will aim to work on the latter two, leaving local stories to reporters to which they are assigned.
On my beat, I experience common problems and I believe that it is simply the experience of being a reporting and working in the field that has allowed me to improve. I produced stories on empty homes increasing in Winchester, firefighters on strike, police job cuts and the Isle of Wight link. I was most disappointed with the firefighter story, as I had acquired a great interview with Dave Green, the national spokesman for the Fire Brigades Union. Upon coming back to the studio I discovered the audio didn’t record.
Although the quality of my shots has improved, my sound has not and a constant problem has been my pieces to camera, although on occasion this has been because I there was a lack of radio microphones to loan out. Towards the end of the semester, I really discovered the importance of maintaining a relationship with my contacts. A local campaigner and former councillor I interviewed in my first story on empty homes has been of great help to me, on occasion emailing me interesting stories and even managed to supply me with direct contact numbers to Police Federation officials which helped me get in touch with John Apter.
My strongest report came in the final week. I was especially please to get an interview with Derek Needham, who owns one of the largest businesses on the Isle of Wight. He gave me some great sound grabs and is very influential on the Island so I am trying to keep up my good relationship with him as he can put me in touch almost anyone who does business on the Isle of Wight. The shots and angle of the interview where excellent, with him at the side but having the other side of the shot filled. This package also had great wild sound which was natural and directly a part of the story. Both are things which Graham Bell picked up on, though I was slightly disappointed that I didn’t receive more feedback for this. Despite that, I was very pleased with this package; I had travelled far and had to get hard-won filming permission on the ferry deck.
My story coincided with the Isle of Wight’s County Press’ report on the same story, and I managed to get permission to use their artist’s impression image of the planned bridge. I found from this that having contacts not only in the real world which we report on, but those journalists who work alongside us are of vital help and next semester I will attempt to build on my contacts in local papers. Overall I think that every package I have produce has had lots of small issues ranging from muffled sound to poor interview positions, but that each week I have slowly improved upon each issue and that my trend is positive
When it comes to editing my packages, it probably takes longer than others, but I think this is likely because I have rarely experimented with video editing software before and practice should quicken this. Despite my time, I am having no problems with editing my footage, provided I successfully get it all – video and audio, before I come to edit.
A final point I would say for my contacts is that they are also of great help when it comes to package promotion. My contact in the Fire Brigades Union uploading my firefighter strike story to his personal and work Twitter pages which saw my Youtube video count soar. However it is impossible to know how many of these viewers followed on to WINOLs website, so something to work on would be to give direct promotion in that way too, all adding towards the main goal of an increased audience.
The Uncreative Journalist 